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sentence 19
Ale lemma: ale ''
form: conjunction
keť lemma: keď ''
form: conjunction
pán lemma: pán ''
form: m.sg.nom
prišjou̯ lemma: prida ''
form: l-ptcp (pf)
alt.analysis: m.sg.nom
domou̯, lemma: dom 'house'
form: m.pl.gen
Formally, the ending is a u-stem pl.gen, but it likely reflects an older dative form domovi (cf. RU domoj, SC domom). It goes less likely back to the old PIE sg.loc *-i (ORu domovь), as it denotes a direction (cf. Vasmer I 528, Olander 2015:174).
In CZ/SK, similar shortenings of final *-i can be seen in infinitives (*ględati > *gľędaťь > hľadať), or the word mať 'mother' (OCS mati).
hneť lemma: hneď ''
form: adverb
poznau̯, lemma: poznam ''
form: l-ptcp (pf)
alt.analysis: m.sg.nom
že lemma: že 'and, also'
form: particle
SK že is common subjunctive/indirect speech marker, functionally similar to CS jako and BG če. If multiple clauses with že appear after each other without a conjunction, the sentences are split (as in original), and the marker is tagged as an auxiliary.
bola lemma: sъm 'be'
form: l-ptcp (ipf)
alt.analysis: f.sg.nom
So far no trace of plusquam-perfect (at least indicative) in the informant's vernacular.
v lemma: v 'in'
form: preposition
tej lemma: tъ 'the'
form: f.sg.dat
trinástej lemma: trinásty ''
form: f.sg.dat.pron
izbe. lemma: izba ''
form: f.sg.dat/loc
But when the lord came home, he immediately found out, that she had been in that thirteenth room.
total elements: 13
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ROOT ale keď pán prišiel domov hneď poznal že bola v tej trinástej izbe
cc(ale-2, poznal-8)
mark(keď-3, prišiel-5)
nsubj(pán-4, prišiel-5)
advcl(prišiel-5, poznal-8)
advmod(domov-6, prišiel-5)
advmod(hneď-7, poznal-8)
root(poznal-8, ROOT)
mark(že-9, bola-10)
advcl(bola-10, poznal-8)
case(v-11, izbe-14)
det(tej-12, izbe-14)
amod(trinástej-13, izbe-14)
obl:loc(izbe-14, bola-10)Ale
ale
tag: C
form: conjunction
element 1
dependency: cc→7
keť
keď
tag: C
form: conjunction
element 2
dependency: mark→4
pán
pán
tag: Nmsny
form: m.sg.nom
element 3
dependency: nsubj→4
prišjou̯
prišiel
tag: Vmp--se or Amsnn
form: l-ptcp (pf) or m.sg.nom
element 4
dependency: advcl→7
domou̯,
domov
lemma: dom 'house' SJS search
A u-stem in CS. The form (u) doma is tagged as sg.gen, likely showing a generalized o-stem ending. The nominal form in OCS was domu - but already besides adverbial doma (SJS: link). Olander (2015:173) mentions interpretations of the form as an irregular sg.loc, maybe an old allative (Fortson 2004:105) reinterpreted as static location?
inflection: monosyllabic noun
tag: Nmpgn
form: m.pl.gen
element 5
dependency: advmod→4
Formally, the ending is a u-stem pl.gen, but it likely reflects an older dative form domovi (cf. RU domoj, SC domom). It goes less likely back to the old PIE sg.loc *-i (ORu domovь), as it denotes a direction (cf. Vasmer I 528, Olander 2015:174).
In CZ/SK, similar shortenings of final *-i can be seen in infinitives (*ględati > *gľędaťь > hľadať), or the word mať 'mother' (OCS mati).
hneť
hneď
tag: R
form: adverb
element 6
dependency: advmod→7
poznau̯,
poznal
tag: Vmp--se or Amsnn
form: l-ptcp (pf) or m.sg.nom
element 7
dependency: root→0
že
že
lemma: že 'and, also' search
CS
tag: Qg
form: particle
element 8
dependency: mark→9
SK že is common subjunctive/indirect speech marker, functionally similar to CS jako and BG če. If multiple clauses with že appear after each other without a conjunction, the sentences are split (as in original), and the marker is tagged as an auxiliary.
bola
bola
lemma: sъm 'be' SJS LOVe search
Used for most forms of the ʹbeʹ verb, including the (CS) infinitive byti, and excluding only perfective forms based on present stem bъda. In OCS, bъda is used also for the infinitive and other forms based on the aorist stem.
inflection: athematic
tag: Vmp--si or Afsnn
form: l-ptcp (ipf) or f.sg.nom
element 9
dependency: advcl→7
So far no trace of plusquam-perfect (at least indicative) in the informant's vernacular.
v
v
lemma: v 'in' SJS SNSP Miklosich search
inflection: with loc or acc
tag: Sl
form: preposition
element 10
dependency: case→13
tej
tej
lemma: tъ 'the' search
Lemma used to mark the definite suffix/article.
Sg. forms are recognized, when following adjectives or nouns: tъ Pd-msn, ta Pd-fsn, to Pd-nsn
The plural form te is used for all genders, so the tag reflects either the head noun (if it is masc. - Pd-mpn - or fem. - Pd-fpn) or remains empty (if neut., e.g. izъ oči+te ʹfrom the eyesʹ: Pd--pn). The form ta, if following a plural, is tagged as Pd-npn
The gender of oblique articles like togo is tagged in a similar way, e.g. ta rasrъdi cra togo ʹand he angered the kingʹ: Pd-msg, while if there is no noun, it remains empty, e.g. in CS phrase togo radi ʹbecause of thatʹ: Pd--sg
In CS texts (rarely in PPS too), the root tъ is also used for personal pronouns. If such forms can be syntactically distinguished (i.e. if they precede the head, or do not agree with it in case, gender and number), they are tagged as personal pronouns, e.g. toę oči ʹher eyesʹ: Pp3fsg
The shortened form of the article -o, frequently used by Punčo, is not separated from the preceding token, but rather handled as a quasi-case, e.g. stolʹpo ʹthe pillarʹ: Nmson
inflection: hard stem pronominal
tag: Pd-fsd
form: f.sg.dat
element 11
dependency: det→13
trinástej
trinástej
tag: Afsdy
form: f.sg.dat.pron
element 12
dependency: amod→13
izbe.
izbe
tag: Nfsdn
form: f.sg.dat/loc
element 13
dependency: obl:loc→9